Opinions about life and culture, A world view of a Woman Artist travelling from The Middle-east to Europe in the 80's, 90's and 2000/2019 ..... Autobiographycal Stories which have been published in the book "A Time For dreamers" (Austin Macauley Publishers) and some self published Stories on Kindle ( "Paris 2015" / "I Believe in You")
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Article from the Guardian "Can this man save Mexico's natural wonders?"
comment:
What is not being tlked about enough is population controle. Perhaps we are in this situation ie with "Climate change" hovering on the planets most beautiful places because we refuse to deal with the number of people born and living on the planet and the values which are ruling our societies. Can A poet save the day ? A sesitive attitude towards nature would probably give priority to Butterflies and Bees rather than to pesticides and profit .
Can this man save Mexico's natural wonders?
An olive ridley sea turtle arrives to spawn at the Ixtapilla beach, Michoacán state, Mexico.
Photograph: Enrique Castro/AFP/Getty Images
Mexico’s environmental marvels are on borrowed time, but poet Homero Aridjis is fighting to change that
by Ed Vulliamy
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As Mexico
emerges from the most violent election campaign within living memory
and embarks on the presidency of Andres López Obrador, one prominent
citizen watches at a diagonal: a veteran of Mexico’s other war – not
that over narco-traffic and its clients in politics, but that against
nature.
In a recent interview with the daily El Universal, Homero Aridjis –
award-winning poet and former ambassador – described all the candidates
at last June’s election as “environmental illiterates” – referring to
the battle he has fought for decades now, and which he sees reaching its
final stages – for Mexico’s natural and cultural heritage.
His war is fought for the survival of such menaced species as the
unique richness of butterflies in her forests, turtles along her
coastlines, whales in her waters.
Such matters, however urgent, were “outrageously absent” from debate
or discourse before or after the election, thunders Aridjis in
conversation – the man who, more than any other person in Mexico, is
responsible for the continued existence of these still threatened,
marvelous creatures, and many others. “I don’t know whether it is
indolence or ignorance among those who govern us,” he told El Universal,
“but it is a grave act of moral corruption.”
López Obrador will assume the presidency amid “an environmental
disaster”, says Aridjis. “One of contaminated seas, lakes and rivers,
terrible deforestation which has worsened of late, threats to – and
trafficking in – fauna … and in the capital, monstrous pollution. None
of the candidates expressed any interest in these problems of vast
importance.”
Aridjis defies categorization. After the death of his friend Octavio
Paz, Aridjis, now 78, became Mexico’s most important poet – of verse at
once mystical, personally intimate and romantic. The author of 49 books
of poetry and prose, he was the country’s ambassador to Switzerland, the
Netherlands and Unesco. And Aridjis founded the “Group of 100” artists
and intellectuals in 1985 to lead and coordinate what has since been an
unrelenting fight for nature and indigenous peoples, a battle during
which he has “almost lost count”, he says, of the death threats against
himself and his family.
Now, as Mexico’s political violence spirals and narco-bloodletting
hurls the country into an abyss apparently without bottom, a visit to
Aridjis at home in Mexico City is like a corrective to the madness, a
reminder of what matters on a higher level – that of his higher causes.
Not that Aridjis’ struggles for imperiled flora and fauna put him
“above all that” – on the contrary. His foremost message to the incoming
president is: “What will happen to the thousands of unresolved justice
cases – crimes committed by the cartels, daily murders, femicides, acts
of corruption – that the Peña Nieto government has accumulated during
these six years? Since his inauguration in 2012, there were some 107,000
homicides, among them 42 journalists whose murders are unresolved. Will
there be honest justice, or will the victims be buried by the
opportunistic gravestone of forgetfulness in that electoral circus?”
Homero Aridjis warns: ‘Don’t breathe today, or tomorrow.’ Left, he
celebrates the cancellation of the saltworks project at San Ignacio
lagoon in March 2000. Right, he represents the Group of 100 at the
official closing of a cellulose plant in March 1986.
To enter Aridjis’ house is like stepping into a wonderland past. The
walls are lined with masks Aridjis has found on travels around his
native land, ensnared “before the New York art dealers get their hands
on them!” he says, eyes wide. They come from Oaxaca, Michoacán, Chiapas,
used in dances of the Catrines, the Viejitos, Moors and Christians,
Cora and Yaqui – so that all we discuss has the stare of ancients upon
us. Aridjis exudes a mixture of sagacity, strength and charm; his energy
for a man two years short of 80 is infectious.
Aridjis’ odyssey (an analogy he enjoys, given his name and Greek
ancestry) began in childhood, with a near-fatal accident when
10-year-old Homero injured himself with a shotgun lent to an older
brother. The convalescent boy felt his own survival “connected” to that
of birds the gun was intended to shoot.
But Aridjis’ collateral, his gravitas, rests upon decades of work for the natural backdrop against which these horrors unfold.
Aridjis hails from Contepec, a town nestled against the Cerro
Altamirano in Michoacán, in central Mexico, where – for millennia before
the region became infamous as terrain over which drug cartels battle –
millions of monarch butterflies converged from southeastern Canada and
the northern United States to overwinter. This wonder infused young
Aridjis’ poetry; he described the monarch as a “winged tiger”.
In 1975, this miracle was “discovered” by Canadian scientists: a use
of the word which Aridjis likens to the “misnomer” of Cristoforo Colombo
discovering, in 1492, an entire hemisphere that had been civilised for
millennia. Aridjis and his Mexican forebears knew of the “millions of
butterflies, layered like tarnished gold on the trunks and branches”.
Because it occurs in early November, Indian lore connects their arrival
to the return of departed souls on the Day of the Dead.
The Group of 100 had been initially formed to combat lethal pollution
in Mexico City, but later focused on the menaced future of the
butterflies, facing a new threat: logging, both sanctioned and illegal. A
battle began to save “the landscape of our childhood and the backdrop
of our dreams, from the depredation of our fellow men”, as Aridjis told a
joint symposium of Unesco and Pen International (of which Aridjis was
international president for six years), in the hope that “perhaps other
human beings can save their hill and their butterfly, and all of us
together can protect Earth from the biological holocaust that threatens
it”.
In 1986, Aridjis convinced then president Miguel de la Madrid to create the Monarch Butterfly Special Biosphere Reserve.
However, fires and unchecked cutting proceeded apace in the reserve and
in 1989, “the butterflies came to Altamirano, but did not stay”. The
reserve challenged “political interests, local and national”, explains
Aridjis, “with congressmen, mayors and ejidatarios – co-owners
of common land – logging on sanctuary land”. Throughout the 1990s “the
government continued to allow logging in both unprotected and protected
areas – illegal and commercial cutting were rampant”.
But in 2000, the protected area was tripled, and in 2008, with
Aridjis now Mexico’s ambassador to Unesco, the Monarch Butterfly
Biosphere Reserve was listed as a world heritage site. Even so, with
narco-trafficking cartels now controlling the power players in
Michoacán, “illegal cutting, illegal fires continue,” says Aridjis.
“Often the cartels and the logging interests overlap, joining hands,
becoming one and the same.”
Monarch butterfly populations have been on the decline, but swarms can still be found in certain parts of Mexico.
By the 2013-2014 season, the monarch population had plummeted from
1.1 billion butterflies overwintering in central Mexico in 1996 to 33
million. Aridjis and monarch scientists Lincoln Brower and Ernest
Williams penned a letter, signed by more than 200 writers and scientists
from 18 countries, to US president Barack Obama, Peña Nieto and
Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper, identifying a further cause for
the decline as “genetically modified herbicide resistant soybean and
corn crops in the US corn belt. Relentless spraying of glyphosate
herbicides on the fields has destroyed the once abundant milkweed
plants, the only plants that monarch caterpillars can eat.” The letter
urged action to preserve the migratory phenomenon, pleading that “the
monarch butterfly is literally being starved to death”.
“I wonder whether Donald Trump will take any interest in the
monarchs,” wonders Aridjis now, “or will his scorn for migrants extend
to migratory species as well? For now, the butterflies come – but for
how much longer?”
Mexico’s interconnected wars
“It all happens inside of me the turtles lay eggs on the beach the turtles shed tears of sand the nest robbers are thieving eggs as old as life itself”
Homero Aridjis
A Seri person told him that when a member of the community dies, he
or she turns into a Leatherback turtle, and Seri elders are said to be
able to talk to them. “Obviously,” says Aridjis, “the Seri don’t eat
leatherbacks, but both may become extinct.”
During the 1970s, while Aridjis was Mexico’s ambassador to the
Netherlands, he forwarded letters to the president protesting against
the cruel mass slaughter of sea turtles, who are facing extinction, on
the coasts of Mexico. “I only provoked his anger,” says Aridjis. “He
thought it frivolous of me to be defending turtles when there were more
important matters in hand, such as selling Mexico’s oil, uranium and
natural gas.”
“What kind of economic progress,” he adds, “cripples ecosystems and makes the land barren and unlivable?”
The narrative unearthed by Aridjis and his movement was one of
shocking cruelty against species which Aridjis calls “living receptacles
of the earth’s natural history”. They survived the extinction of
dinosaurs but are threatened by the banalities of greed for turtle
“products” – their skins, shells and supposedly aphrodisiac eggs.
In articles for the newspaper La Jornada, Aridjis revealed that
pirates, unheeded by navy patrols, severed the front and rear flippers
of captured turtles before throwing the still living creatures back into
the sea. At Mazunte, Oaxaca, olive ridley turtles “piled up like
boulders” were killed with bullets or machetes. “Often the womb would be
slit open to extract eggs and the turtle left to die a slow death on
the sand.” Mutilated females whose wombs were ripped open at sea
“frequently crawled up on the beach to die ... Near one beach was a
mountain of carapaces eighty feet high ... Every restaurant had turtle
eggs on the menu.”
Although the sale of turtle eggs was forbidden, a collection and
distribution network continued to operate. Poachers crammed up to 1,000
eggs into a single sack, often “accompanied by the same marines charged
with guarding the nests”.
In 1990, after reading a published declaration by the Group of 100,
then president Carlos Salinas de Gortari signed a total and permanent
ban on the capture of sea turtles. But 28 years later, says Aridjis, “we
lack the means to enforce it, and there are other threats: incidental
capture of turtles in commercial fishing gear, the BP Alabama oil spill,
entanglement in and ingestion of plastic debris”.
In 2004, two veterinary students studying olive ridley turtles
disappeared – the body of one later washed ashore; the death certificate
registered death by beating, not drowning. No one – certainly not
Aridjis - would suggest that Mexico’s wars are not interconnected.
‘Confronting the same problems over and over again’
“And there in San Ignacio Lagoon God created the great whales and each creature that moves on the shadowy thighs of the waters”
An excerpt from one of Aridjis’ poems
A wonder of the natural world occurs in this lagoon on the coast of
Baja California. After completing one of the world’s longest migrations
undertaken by any mammal - between 5,000 and 6,800 miles – magnificent
gray whales spawn their young, returning each March with their calves to
the Bering, Chukchi and Beaufort seas. The warm lagoon waters were
officially protected by legislation in 1954, 1972 and 1979.
Mexico established a gray whale sanctuary in Laguna San Ignacio in
1954 and banned whaling. That same year Exportadora de Sal, SA was
founded, to mine salt in Baja California Sur. In 1972 the lagoon was
decreed a reserve and refuge area for migratory birds and wildlife, and
in 1979 a refuge for pregnant whales and calves and a tourist attraction
area.
But in 1995, Aridjis was notified by an American student of a plan by
Exportadora de Sal, the largest solar salt-producing company in the
world which is 49% owned by Mitsubishi and 51% by the Mexican government
– for a new industrial salt production installation. The plant would
produce a further 7ms tons of salt, engulfing 116 square miles of tidal
flats and mangroves – plus a mile-long pier that would also seriously
endanger the whales.
Aridjis and the Group of 100 took the offensive, denouncing the
company’s 465-page environmental impact assessment that contained only
23 lines on whales and “denies the existence of any body of water that
would be adversely affected by the saltworks’ operations”. “Protected
areas,” said the group, in a full-page advertisement in the New York
Times signed by Octavio Paz, Allen Ginsberg, Margaret Atwood and Günter
Grass among others, “would become evaporation ponds, pumping stations,
conveyor belts, stockpiles, new service roads and new human settlements
…”
The now international campaign – coined the biggest environmental
battle ever in Mexico – paralleled those seeking to ban Japanese and
Norwegian whaling.
In March 2000, five years after the campaign was launched, then
president Ernesto Zedillo annulled the saltworks project, citing harm to
the landscape, although the real reason was financial. In conversation,
it is one of the few victories Aridjis allows himself to savour without
qualification: “It is one of my great joys to go there, to watch and
touch the whales, meet local people I came to know, who are bringing up
their children to love the whales.”
Aridjis’ articles and speeches were recently collected and translated
into a book, News of the Earth. The Nobel laureate JMG Le Clézio writes
of the volume that “the great strength of Aridjis’ work is the faith it
transmits in a creative virtue of the world, pessimism notwithstanding,
and in the possibility of saving it”.
In his preface, Aridjis writes that he “often felt like Sisyphus,
confronting the same problems over and over again, or Cassandra,
prophesying disaster, or Don Quixote, because we sometimes seem like
madmen tilting at windmills”.
Relevant to Sunday’s election result: the book records how the party
of the favourite to win, Andres López Obrador, was as obstructive
towards Aridjis’ campaigns over butterflies and whales as either of the
two establishment parties Obrador claims to usurp.
Aridjis is darkly, disdainfully hilarious about the banal vulgarity
at play in the encounters his campaigns have led him to. He recalls a
president’s relative offering him a car and a chauffeur to stop
campaigning against a chemical waste plant. And that at the 1994
International Whaling Commission meeting in Puerto Vallarta, the
undersecretary of fisheries offered him a $50,000 bribe to stop opposing
Mexico’s support for Japanese whaling.
Then there was a meeting with the owner of the influential Televisa
stations who, to Aridjis’ amazement, offered his support for the
campaign against Norway and Japan: “I don’t give a damn about
environmentalism,” he said, “but I love going out in my yacht and
watching the whales swim around.”
Phone numbers for the Japanese and Norwegian embassies were duly
broadcast on Televisa’s channels and viewers asked to call demanding an
end to whaling. Salinas de Gortari took note and instructed the
undersecretary to get the new Mexican position from me.
“A corrupt journalist once said to me: ‘I don’t understand you,
Homero. You have access to all these powerful people, and could really
get yourself a good deal – money, a position. And all you talk to them
about is stupid animalitos and arbolitos. I told him I
don’t think of my work as being for stupid little animals or little
trees. I think of it as being a battle for who we are, and the existence
of what we have inherited from nature”.
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